THIS CHAPTER LAYS OUT THE WAYS IN WHICH MODERN SCIENCE, MARX AND WEBER CHANGED THE GOD CONCEPT...ENJOY, TRYoung,

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THE DRAMA OF THE HOLY

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CHAPTER FIVE


MODERN SCIENCE AND THE GOD CONCEPT

INTRODUCTION      
In this essay, I want to review understandings of the god concept 
emerging from modern scientific assumptions about the nature and 
sources of order in natural and social systems.  These assumptions
speak to the truth value of assertions about religion and
the god concept in a way most inimical to the Drama of the Holy.  
All this is in preparation of postmodern understandings about science 
and theology which return questions of religious constructs, including 
all sanctifications, profanations as all as all Dramas of the Holy, 
to human hands where they originate and human responsibility where they
belong.
     In the later sections of this essay, I will offer some of
the elements of postmodern science, still highly speculative,
with which to ground a postmodern theology most congenial to a
knowledge process grounded in empiric research.  In passing, I
will draw out some of the implications of Chaos theory which
resolves part of the animus between science and theology,
especially, that part of Chaos theory which speaks to the
geometry and facticity of the underlying ontology which is always
the subject matter of empiric research.  As we shall see, the
ontology of natural and social systems is far different from that
which is assumed in modern science.  In that difference resides
the possibility of an understanding of the god concept which need
not meet modernist standards of objective existence and
consistent behavior.
     If one combines postmodern phenomenology together with some
of the insights from postmodern natural science, one has the
beginning of a social philosophy which speaks for the Drama of
the Holy and against the nihilism and skepticism of those too
much engaged in the modern scientific paradigm.  It is the case
made in this essay that theology and science are not separate
knowledge processes but rather two quite different endeavors, the
first oriented to exploration and reconstruction of the physical
environment on terms congenial to a given social formation and
the second, a discipline oriented to the development of a social
world patterned on terms congenial to spiritual values in that
social formation.
     I want to emphasize that, apart from sociology and
anthropology, there is no natural antagonism between religion and
modern science.  Physical science, in its modernistic form,
simply cannot speak to the validity claims of religion: to
questions of right and wrong; of good and evil.  Physical science
is, by modernistic definition, a reductionist endeavor and has no
warrant to speak to social and cultural facts which take their
meaning as a social fact from the larger context in which they
appear.  It is right and proper to use analysis in order to do
physical science, however it is a scientific sin to try to
understand social and cultural facts by solely by analysis since
social facts are mediated by the whole of the social formation
constructed, in a delicate, complex and varied process, by
believing peoples.
     Whatever animosity arises as between physical science and
theology per se usually stems from the propensity of premodern
theologians to offer unfounded comment on physical and natural
law...comment which, in the depths of its ignorance, offends the
sensibility of those who know of which they speak.  When
premodern theologians do speak cogently of the flawed theories
and interpretations of modern science, they rush to the judgment
that, since modern science is demonstrably wrong on some major
point of empiric fact, that therefore their own interpretation
must be valid.  
     This is a form of spurious reasoning to which Chaos theory
speaks so vividly and forcefully.  There are other
interpretations of the failings of modernist science than that,
given those failings, premodern understandings are valid.  In
particular, Chaos theory offers an understanding for nonlinear
events which point toward quite natural, if surprising, processes
rather than toward divine intervention into natural or social
dynamics.
     But if physical science, by virtue of its own writ, cannot
speak to questions of theology, the social sciences claim to be
able to do so.  In so doing, in their modern science incarnation,
they knell the death toll for premodern theology.  Curiously
enough, it is social science which provides part of the necessary
corrections to modern science with which to ground some of the
important assertions of premodern theology.  I will pick up on
this critique of modern science by the human sciences in the
passages about postmodern phenomenology.  But first, allow me to
review the nature of the continuing dispute between premodern
theology and all of modern science.  That difference remains and,
on those points of dispute, postmodern phenomenology is in
agreement with modern science.
The God of Newton        A major point of enmity between physical
science and premodern theology hinges on the missions and method
of the knowledge process.  After Newton, the method of the
knowledge process shifted from divine inspiration to empiric
observation.  The mission of the knowledge process shifted from
sure and certain knowledge of the Will of God to sure and certain
knowledge about natural laws...laws which tend to make God the
creator redundant and God the avenger, impotent.  The grounds for
a long and often violent warfare between theology and science in
Christendom and Islam lay in the assertion by premodern theology
that introspection and inspiration is privileged over empiric
research.  Newton became the chief tactician on the side of
empirical science.
     With the publication of Principia Mathematica (Mathematical
Principles of Natural Philosophy) in 1687, Newton gave modern
science a mission and a method which eliminated most of the
ancient privileges of the god concept and redirected the pathways
of knowledge from prayer and divine inspiration to measurement
and direct observation.  The mission of the knowledge process
became the discovery of the eternal laws of nature and society. 
The method was that of successive approximations: his fourth rule
of investigation was:
     Propositions established by general induction are to be
     regarded as true or very nearly so, until these propositions
     are corrected by additional inductive evidence.
     Induction is a process by which general statements are
derived (induced) from direct observation.  In this statement is
a displacement of subjective inspiration and a preference for
objective observation.  Modern science displaced, in the same
moment, theology as the arbiter of the true value of belief.
     In establishing induction as the test for the validity of a
statement, the very foundations of truth shifted like a great
earthquake shifts mountains and rivers from petition to the god
concept to careful observation and comparative study.  The agent
of knowledge became the field scientists rather than the holy
man.  The repository of knowledge came to be scholarly journals
and texts rather than the Holy bibles, scriptures, canons and
texts.
     When Newton was asked how the laws of gravity and motion
came to work as they did, he replied, 'Hypotheses non fingo," [I
do not invent hypotheses, I only discover them].  For Newton,
the role of science was completed with the discovery of natural
law, explanation of them was outside the province of the
scientist.  This lead Newton to accept the views of Thomas More
that God was the first cause while space was the sensorium of
God.  Premodern ideas that God was omniscient, omnipresence and
omnipotent were transposed into the impersonal, blind, oblivious,
nonjudgmental laws of nature and society.  God lost the ability
to act in the world, to see, to know, to remember, to judge, or
to sanction. 
     In their own times, the role left to the God concept by
Newton and the then modern science were reduced to three.  God is
necessary to explain 
	a) creation in the face of Universal Laws which, presumably
		never, never change 
	b) why the stars do not come together in a single mass 
		under the influence of gravity, and 
	c) the stability of the solar system despite perturbations in the
		orbits of stars.  
Today, only the creation is left for to comfort premodern theologians; 
the black holes in the cosmos are producedby stars falling into a huge mass, 
so big that the force of gravity prevents the escape of light.  
Those perturbations turn out to be the gravitational effects of other, 
unseen bodies. 
Giant telescopes removed the finger of God and replaced it with
moons, planets and whole galaxies.  Astrophysicists such as Hawking and 
Penrose are searching for the one equation that explains the four forces;
success in that quest would, for modern scientists, reduce the
god concept to a complex equation.
     Creation, the first and only task left to God by those
working in the modern science tradition, was removed from the
province of the gods by the work of the Nobel Laureate, Ilya
Prigogine who offered natural explanations for the emergence of
order in the universe when the second Law of Thermodynamics
asserted that disorder was the natural fate of the universe.
The Second Law      There is, thus, a curious contradiction
together with a most curious congeniality between the advocates
of God and the Second Law of Thermodynamics.  The Second Law
states, without respect to God, that all systems tend to their
most probable state, hence most homogeneous state.  Systems tend
to run down.  That is true of the Sun, the stars, galaxies, dogs,
cats, societies and religions.  Nothing escapes the writ of this
most secular law.  
     One could say that God did not exist since there is no
escape from the operation of the Second Law: all systems tend
toward entropy...God notwithstanding.  Hence the antagonism
between physics and theology.  Yet there is order in the
universe.  If order exists in the face of the universality of the
Second Law, from whence did order come?  Premodern theorists
answer, God; modern scientists keep their peace; postmodern philosphers
of science note the empirical changes found in deep chaos...great leaps
in both natural and biological systems which defy prediction--and control.
     One could say that God is necessary since, without God,
there would be no order, no pattern, no permanence in the world. 
The Second Law requires a God since, without God, the existence
of stars, planets, molecules, and mountains could not be
explained.  Biological entities are even more improbable in
statistical terms than are molecules and mountains.  Both
theologians and sociologists point to a tendency toward
complexity and improbability not implied in the Second Law.  Why
should order emerge out of chaos in a world where the Second Law
was paramount?  If order is not to be found in the ordinary
working of Nature and, if there is order (as indeed there is),
from whence did it come that it might be lost?
     Modern science; modern physics and chemistry, modern
geometry and modern mathematics had no answer as to the source of
order; they could only account for disorder.  Then, into modern
science came Chaos theory.  Lars Onsager had previously won a
Nobel prize for his 1928 work on irreversible thermodynamics. 
The point of that work was that, overall, there was disorder but
there could be local and highly complex forms of order within
that larger disorder and within the larger tendency to disorder. 
But it wasn't until the 1960s that Chaos Theory relocated the
source of order in Nature itself (Prigogine and Stengers: 1984;
Gleick: 1988).  
Chaos Theory, then, makes God the Creator 
redundant for natural scientists.  
Disorder is the most common state but there is a First Law of Chaos to 
modify and complement the Second Law of Thermodynamics:  small scale
perturbations accumulate in a deviation amplifying process and
take on an ordered relationship to each other.  This happens with
sub-atomic particles, with photons, with the developing embryo of
the drosophila, with molecules whose concentration does not
exceed 10-10 cm  (Prigogine & Stengers: 171).  The process is
entirely natural.  Being natural, it has equal standing with the
second Law.  Being an opposition to the second Law on the level
of theoretical physics, it is also in opposition to the necessity
of God as Creator on the level of theology.  That God is twice
dead: once murdered by the Second Law and then again by the First
Law of Chaos.
Three Hundred Year Reign      After Newton came the Reformation
and the Protestant renaissance in which God became the Great
Scientist/clockmaker in the sky who designed the world and left
it to dedicated believers to discover how it worked.  And it is a
most incredible world.  For the past three hundred years, the
discoveries of modern science of the laws of genetics; of organic
chemistry; of subatomic physics and of astrophysics invited awe
and reverence.  Such a world we live in.  
     Such is the power of this paradigm that sociologists tried
to superimpose it upon social life worlds.  Comte, Marx, Weber,
Durkheim and all who follow their ways rejected the concept of
the supernatural in favor of the concept of the superorganic. 
For Durkheim, the superorganic was the source of order and
solidarity; for Marx, the same superorganic could be oppressive
and exploitative but for both, there were laws which lay outside
of the human hand and which preshaped all thought, emotion and
action.  In modern sociology the mission is to search for the
laws of social organization with which to displace the god
concept as the architect and arbiter of 'modern' society.
Postmodern Social Science          Social sciences, in their
modernist form, are hostile to the god concept and to the
sanctification process since they tend to re-interpret all such
constructs into the language congenial to their own linear and
desanctified analytic paradigm.  Anthropology and sociology, in
such a paradigm, accepted the standards of belief from premodern
understandings of the god concept and, finding no evidence
amenable to premodern understandings, dismiss such understandings
as categorical errors--errors in which data which fit one
category are falsely assigned (by wishful thinking) to other
categories.
     In particular, evidence supporting the God concept is
falsely assigned, by such modernist reasoning, to categories of
the supernatural when, in point of fact, such evidence should be
assigned to categories oriented to the super-organic.  The later
category is, presumably, entirely a natural thus desanctified,
category.  Those who offer such evidence as proof demonstrative
of the existence of god are degraded by such epithets as
'primitive,' 'preliterate,' 'aboriginal,' 'savage,' 'barbarian,'
'uncivilized,' or 'native' people.  Being primitive, they are
presumed to be unable to know the true nature of the social form
they construct.  Being modern scientists, sociologists and
anthropologists are able to understand the 'real' nature of the
social fact under construction.
     As we shall see in the argument offered below, such re-
interpretation privileges a profane reading of the drama of the
Holy and thus violates a basic assumption of postmodern
phenomenology.  That basic assumption is that social research
honors the conceptualization/interpretation process of a people
on its own terms.  In postmodern phenomenology, one cannot
privilege the concepts of the observer over the concepts of adult
members of a society since they are the architects of their own
social life world.  One can critique such categories on internal
terms but, in the postmodern modality, one has no writ to re-
translate the social construction process into a set of concepts
equally constructed within other societies and call the second
the more valid.
     While modern phenomenology, after Husserl, posited natural
and preexisting categories (eidos = essences), postmodern
phenomenology accepts an infinite variety of categories all
equally constructed and all equally crude in grasping the
infinitely rich and varied social life world from which they
come.  Each people, in their active construction of social life
worlds, use special concepts with which to construct that social
life world and, to the degree, they succeed, are justified in
using them to typify the nature of that world.  
     In both modern and postmodern phenomenology, interpretation
is honored as a pathway to authentic understanding; however in
postmodern phenomenology, the interpretations of 'primitive'
peoples about their typifications of gender, of strata, of
parenting, of art and of the drama of the Holy take precedence
over the interpretations of outsiders including social
scientists.  The substitution of concepts from one social life
realm for concepts from a different life world does much mischief
to the knowledge process and, thus, to the reality creating
process which goes hand in hand with it.
The Deadly Sciences      Anthropology becomes a great threat to
the notion of God by virtue of its research into times lost.  By
showing the variety, the similarities, the divergence and
evolution of religions and the God concept, anthropology appears
to spell the death of God.  After tracing the many
transformations of a sky god, one among many, into an universal,
transcendent solitary God, few anthropologists or historians
could believe the later concept to have priority.  After noting
the many gender changes of the god concept and the politics by
which gods are made and unmade, there is little left to honor as
the true god.
     Judging the truth or falsity of the god concept upon terms
set forth by premodern claims (of one and only one unchanging
godhead) tend to lead one to reject the god concept since, as it
is understood by many persons who think about the god concept in
premodern terms, it involves pre‰xisting universal and eternal
supernatural entity(s).  For those who work entirely in modern
paradigms of understanding, the existence of a second, entirely
spiritual world peopled by autonomous entities which create,
judge, punish, reward or intervene in the dynamics of natural
systems is untenable.
     By locating Divine power in the ordinary structures of
social relations and social processes, sociology too, appears to
be an enemy of God.  Such an effort to identify the god concept
with society in the abstract tends to desanctify and thus alter
the god concept beyond all recognition by those who interpret the
extraordinary feelings and influences as proof demonstrative of
the existence of a supreme intelligence entirely separate from
the humans beings who believe...or disbelieve.
     Psychology offers another way to dismiss religion.  By
restricting their data to that of inner feelings and inner
images; by looking at behavior of the single individual apart
from the larger cultural context which gives meaning and sense to
that individual behavior, the clinical psychologist manages to
replace gods, demons, fiends and imps with psychopathological
categories of analysis.  If a person believes himself to be a
reincarnation of Jesus or Mother Mary personified, given the
presumptions of modern psychiatry, they are said to be mad.
     Freud in particular thought, falsely, that religion arose
out of the ambivalent wish of the sons to placate their father
and, in the same instant, destroy and devour him that they
inherit his strength on the one hand and assure themselves of his
death on the other.  One cannot be certain about Freud's attitude
toward his own father and mother, but Parrinder assures us that
such origins of religion have no scholarly basis (1971:15). 
Freud thought that the god concept became generalized in the form
of a father figure internalized.  As sons took on the attitudes
and authority of the father in their own psyche, they carried
these around and, unable to shake such attitudes, assigned them
to nonexistent gods.  One should take care to note that, even
though Freud may have been wrong in the origins of religion, his
larger point that god is the authority of society, personified,
deserves more respect as, indeed, Durkheim gave it.  I will pick
up the content of a freudian critique of religion later in this
essay, both to consider the role of psychology in contributing to
death of god arguments and to extricate some of the more positive
contributions of freudian psychology to postmodern theology.
     Modernist psychologists today prefer to locate the god
process in inherited genetic predispositions or in natural
categories.  Jung is well known for his archetypes which preshape
all human products including art and marriage.  In the workings
of such archetypes, the Living God of Catholics and Anglicans are
assimilated to generalized psychological predispositions.  J.B.
Watson offered a psychology, based upon the work of Pavlov in
Russia, in which only behavior itself was of any interest.  From
that reductionist argument, B.F. Skinner developed an Stimulus-
Response form of learning theory which left little room for
either God or a psyche dominated by a father fantasy.
     Modernist human sciences together, thus, are given much
credit for the Death of God.  There is some truth in such
assertions but one should keep in mind that most people believe
in their god regardless of what psychologists, sociologists or
anthropologists say, teach and write.  Indeed many of those in
the human sciences are, themselves, believers, overriding the
logic of that about which they write, believe and teach.  Yet
this encapsulation and disjuncture between science and theology
need not be the case.  
Modernist Interpretations of The God Concept      A sociological
understanding of God is summed up in the writings of Emile
Durkheim (1961) who held that God is society itself reified and
vivified, then deified:
     '...[that] which is the universal and eternal objective
     cause of these sensations sui generis out of which religious
     experience is made, is society.'
     God is thus a collective representation of the power of
society together with the essences of a culture.  The gods one
finds in society mirrors the social organization and the cultural
values of a society encapsulated into symbols which represent the
collective.  From these collective representations come a
collective conscience which guides and engulfs the members of a
society.
     In Durkheim, God does not come directly from really existing
society since, as he said: 'How could anything so crudely
organized inspire the sentiments of love, the ardent enthusiasm
and the spirit of abnegation which all religions claim of their
followers?'  The god concept may mirror a society but it does not
simply mirror whatever society produces it.  Rather, the concept
of God is '...an idea which comes to express our more or less
obscure aspirations towards the good, the beautiful and the
ideal.'  It is the idealization of society which gives it the
grandeur and majesty so inspiring to a people and so redeeming of
its more wretched members and practices.
     Durkheim says that religion arises, sui generis, i.e., self
developed, out of society but notes that there are real,
empirical sources of religious sensibility both external and
internal.  External to every person is the acting society:
     '...society cannot make its influence felt unless it is in
     action, and it is not in action unless the individuals who
     compose it are assembled together and act in common. 
     ...before all else, [religion] is an active cooperation.'
     Religious festivals and holidays are so important since they
provide an arena in which society is assembled and makes itself
felt as a distinct entity by each member of society.  After
saying that all social institutions are born in religion;
especially law and morality, Durkheim takes us back to society by
saying:
          'If religion has given birth to all that is essential
          in society, it is because the idea of society is the
          soul of religion.'
     The primary empirical source of the holy is, according to
Durkheim, in our own personal sensations:
     '...we have seen if collective life awakens religious
     thought on reaching a certain degree of intensity, it is
     because it brings about a state of effervescence which
     changes the conditions of psychic activity.  Vital energies
     are excited, passions more active, sensations stronger;
     there are even some which are produced only at this moment.'
     People who respond to the extraordinary sensations they
experience do not think of themselves as ill and in need of some
medication to bring them back to a more normal sensory state. 
Rather they reify those sensations as proof demonstrative of the
presence of the Holy.  Durkheim noted this transformation of
ecstatic states into a sense of the holy:
     'A man [sic] does not recognize himself; he feels himself
     transformed and consequently he transforms the environment
     which surrounds him.  In order to account for the very
     particular impressions which he receives, he attributes to
     the things with which he is most in direct contact
     properties which they have not; exceptional powers an
     virtues which the objects of everyday experience to not
     possess.  In a word, above the real world in which his
     profane life passes, he has placed...[the holy].'
     Durkheim's analysis is the received one for most of those in
the sociology and anthropology of religion.  I agree with the
thrust of his analyses and most of his conclusions except that I
would not hold that the profane world is any more natural than
the sacred realm created; nor are the gods any less real than are
husbands, presidents or Popes.  If the Catholic Church is a
social fact, so is the God process of which it is part; the god
concept does organize behavior and shape interpretations.  The
tests of facticity of such a god concept are, in postmodern
phenomenology, to be found in the organized behavior of those who
worship a god in their everyday life.   And the death of god
begins when the practices required by that god concept ends.
God According to Swanson      Guy Swanson, a social psychologist
                              at the University of Michigan, has
set forth a series of propositions which show the connection
between God and society (1960).  He fills in some of the blanks
left by Durkheim.  The concept of the Supernatural is shaped by
social structures such as marriage; or business; or universities
for that matter.  To paraphrase Swanson:
     1.   The way we experience God is connected to the way we
          experience social relationships.
          1a.  As with social structures, Gods have purposes and
               potentials which can be put to use by people.
          1b.  As with social structures, Gods pervade the inner
               life and outer experience of people directing and
               limiting behavior as invisible, immortal,
               inescapable, and vaguely understood forces.
     2.   Gods tend to look like powerful groups since their
          actions most visibly and clearly affect everyone.
     3.   Mana is the power of the primordial features of social
          life.
     4a.  Magic is the use of mana...the forms of social
          power...to change physical reality...as for example, in
          healing.
     4b.  Religion is activities aimed at influencing or
          implementing the Will of God.
     If society is the primordial source of God, how is it that
people experience society as God...how does Society/God pervade
the inner and outer life of people.  This experience of
God/society begins with bonding, language, role relations and is
deeply embedded in the everyday roles we take and make; it ends
with reification and deification.  I will explain reification and
deification first.
God According to Freud        Freud saw the origins of religion
in the murder and cannibalism of the castrating father.  In
Freud's anthropology, the primordial father monopolized sexual
access to the women of the tribe murdering, exiling or castrating
his sons.  The sons banded together to murder the father; having
done so, felt guilt and denial.  Guilt transformed the primordial
father into the angry Father-God.  Guilt transformed the fear and
remorse the sons felt into worship and rigid compliance to the
social norms which the father embodied.
     The sons came to realize that all could not have unlimited
access to every female; they instituted the rules of exogamy and
incest in order to avoid doing to themselves what they had done
to the father.  All this is very fanciful...primordial poetry
more than valid science but it does tell us that there is a
relationship between sexual energy, forms of social control and
social organization.  God is the product of sexual energy
redirected away from incestuous cravings toward social and
cultural purpose.
     For Freud as for others in psychology, religion is a
neurosis which is subject to treatment and cure.  Visions,
voices, departures from this world or visits by supernatural
entities are thought to be evidence of madness.  There is another
interpretation that postmodern psychology would consider.  The
vision sees and the voice that one hears may well be an ordinary
psychological capacity for generalization of the collective
conscience and the intuition of what collective wisdom might say
on a topic.  It is entirely possible that people who want,
passionately, to solve a personal or social problem, are able to
do so in their sleep or in a trance in ways that would not be
possible given the distraction of everyday life.
     This 'eureka' experience is not treated as madness when a
mathematician hits upon a solution to a puzzle while asleep.  It
not recorded as madness when a computer scientist solves a
problem in software design while day dreaming at the beach, on
hold while fishing or pre-occupied with merely physical tasks
while sailing a boat.  If insight and discovery are treated as
normal in secular affairs, why may they be interpreted as madness
in dealing with spiritual questions?
     Those who firmly believe that they are incarnations of
Jesus, Mohammed, the Buddha or a given saint in history are not
far wrong in the terms of proof which postmodern science would
honor.  The genetic material of any two persons in the human
genome is so similar that it meets even Penrose' standards for
superb theory, that is to say, one part error in several millions
of information bits.  From the point of view of postmodern
phenomenology, if a person defines herself of Joan of Arc or if a
man defines himself as Jesus of Nazareth, and if that person
embodies most of the characteristics of either, it is sufficient
evidence to encode that person as a Joan or a Jesus.  The poetics
of vote counting or of criminal convictions are less precise.
     Of course, one is not literally the same person who lived
centuries ago any more than a virus which grew from a billion
year old ancestor is the same virus.  The point is that in
postmodern phenomenology, things defined as such become such in
the subsequent behavior.  If a modern day Jesus does inspire and
sanctify and is honored among men and women, then the postmodern
phenomenologists honors that embodiment as interpreted by those
who create it.  If a modern day person speaks with mercy and
wisdom in the language of old testament prophets, that mercy and
wisdom is no less sanctified now than when Amos or Isaiah spoke. 
In Chaos theory, the boundaries between entities are far less
precise and disconnected than newtonian understandings permit.
Freud and the Death of God    Those who follow the ways of Freud
must deal with his conclusion that rebellion against society is
inspired more by hostility toward father-as-society-internalized
than by the faults of society itself.  When we rebel against
society, we are, indeed, rebelling against our father.  Our
hatred of the repressive father we knew as child is channeled
toward all authority figures.  Yet it may be the case that the
Father and the society He enforces is hostile to the human
condition.  In their theoretical support of oppression, freudian
psychologist help dismantle the drama of the Holy.
     In freudian theory, until we grow up, accept society and
become fathers ourselves, we will challenge the power of police,
priest, professor, and politician alike out of neuroses rather
than out of cause.  It is we who are sick when we rebel; not
society.  Yet sometimes, it is father who is wrong; sometimes
society and authority figures are morally reprehensible and are
to be rejected.  If maturity consists in accepting the ancient
wisdoms buried in society, maturity is, equally, an ability to
know when to level hostility and when to reject authority.  That
is true of the mature son and it is true of the mature scientist. 
One cannot use freud to repress all dissent and be innocent of
the death of God.
     Maturity, in many societies, consists in redirecting the
sexual impulse away from mother toward the female cousin, twice
or thrice removed.  There is good reason for incest prohibitions
apart from arguments of genetic heritage.  To use the child for
one's own sexual gratification before the child has the social
power for consenting to--or rejecting--the sexual act is to
subvert all of the sexual norms regulating desire and intimacy. 
In all societies, the sexuality of men and women are colonized to
reproduction of the social form.  At the interpersonal level,
incest rearranges social power arrangements in ways hostile to
socialization, the child-sexual partner demands adult statuses in
which sexuality is permitted.  At a macro-societal level of
analysis, incest forfeits all of the political, economic, and
informational treasures that exogamy brings.
     At a more social psychological level of analysis, the use of
the child for sexual gratification interferes with the
socialization process.  If the socialization process is to be
successful, the child must trust the adult.  When a child
realizes that the adult is using social power for personal
gratification, the social contract that would emerge from
socialization is betrayed.  The child learns to use social power
for highly privatized purpose.  Whatever the level of the child's
moral development, at some level of awareness, the child knows
that this is wrong.  The use of social power must end in
mutuality and reciprocity else the grounds for compliance and
cooperation are eroded.  While the child cannot put this into
succinct words, still the child feels and fears the wrongful use
of social power.
     At a still more personal level of analysis; a more
psychiatric level of analysis, the ambivalence the child feels
toward the adult; toward the pleasurable act; toward the false
status that sexual activity bestows, that ambivalence returns to
subvert all egalitarian social relations in the future of the
child.  It returns in the form of self anger and self disgust. 
It returns in a form that confuses power and pleasure; that
separates pleasure and human intimacy.  In locating the problems
of incest in the origins of religion, freudians deflect attention
from other problems of incest and thus give aid and comfort to
those who would murder that which is holy in us.
     Freudians hold, rightly, that the suppression and
rechanneling of some part of sexual energy is necessary to the
work of society.  More generally, impulse control is essential to
the peaceful cooperation of humans.  Thus God, religion and
emancipatory psychology are born out of the need for cooperative
social relations.  That is a valuable insight to keep...out of
much in freudian theory that is not worthy of keeping.  There are
other elements of freudian psychology most congenial to the Drama
of the Holy; the concern to help sort out the sources of damaged
internal communications, the concern for a strong, socially
constrained ego, a concern with the dramas of childhood trauma as
well as a knowledge process which makes visible the things we
just as soon forget--and in the forgetting, lose the possibility
of better memories.
Postmodern Psychology.  The more fanciful theoretical structures
of Freud which located the source of god in the conflicts of the
psyche gave way toward more practical endeavors in which radical
psychologists and critical theorists give the market place
dominion over the consumer.  In these times, freudians of all
persuasions help identify the neurotic needs of a society and use
that information to colonize desire on behalf of profit and
growth.  
     By means of an alienated Drama of Desire in millions of
advertisements, desire is colonized to the purchase and ownership
of material goods rather than adult relationships.  In its more
mercenary moments, freudian psychologists empower the factory and
office administration.  They use what they know of psychology to
give management dominion over the worker; the state dominion over
the poor and the oppressed.  Freudian science came to serve both
mammon and the state, and in doing so betrayed the freudian
vision of a strong and healthy psyche able to get on with live in
ways congenial to the human estate.  In helping to transfer
libido from the particular human other, the generalized human
other and from the Universal We, freudian psychologists betray
the Drama of the Holy.  To their credit, many freudian
psychologists, especially from the Frankfort School, have joined
in a critique of the alienating uses of psychology.  Herbert
Marcuse, Erich Fromm, Else Frenkel-Brunswick, Theodor Adorno,
Wilhelm Reich, Karen Horney and Walter Benjamin have contributed
much toward emancipatory postmodern social psychology in their
studies of the media and mass culture.
     While there may be no precise accounting for the poetic
genius, for the psychological grounding of the god concept nor of
each cultural expression of the god concept in any given epoch,
still there is a sensible story to be heard from the political
economy of an epoch that reaches into every society and shapes
the god concept.  It is this political economy to which Marx and
Weber contributed so much. 
     The depth to which the god concept is tied to and responsive
to the political economy is recorded in the work of Karl Marx. 
The depth to which the political economy is tied to and
responsive to religion and the god concept is recorded in the
work of Max Weber.  Together they provide us with insight and
fuel for the construction of the realm of the Holy that permits
us to concede authorship to the human hand for the kind of Holy
space we chose to make in our lives.
The Marxian God     For Marx, religion was an opiate of those who
believed; mystifying and inuring them to the alienating relations
in which they were immersed.  In this reading of the god concept,
God was a false reification of our own power to do good or evil
in the world.  However, for Marx, the sigh was real; the
oppression which called it forth was real; only the answer was
false.  For Marx, the answer was not to walk humbly all the days
of one's life; to prepare for paradise in the afterworld.  For
Marx, the answer was revolution today; paradise on earth tomorrow
in a cooperative community of full citizens oriented to praxis
and mutual affirmation.
     Most people with a profound and sincere commitment to
religion and to the god concept dismiss Marx when they read that
first sentence, above, on the god concept.  Yet Marx had great
genius and can teach us much that is useful in a postmodern
expression of the Holy.  And the marxian view of religion was far
more complex and far more subtle than conventional wisdom
concedes.  From Marx, we can learn much that helps us in the
quest to center the postmodern.
	God comes back in alien form, according to Marx, to oppress
those who assigned their own power to non-existent gods.  God is
a human invention; a frankenstein created out of the mists of
primitive superstition.  God is a false and fraudulent tool of
control.  God is a ghost, haunting the human project, to be
banished since the god concept takes its character from the
ruling elites of the society.  In a marxian rendition of the god
process, not only is god made in the image of humans, it is made
in the image of rich and powerful humans; a patriarchal society
produces a patriarchal god while a slave society produces a
slavemaster for a god.  To the extent Marx was correct, in order
to have a compassionate and merciful god, we need to build a
compassionate and merciful society.  Marx gives us insight in how
political economy can help in that pursuit even if Marx would
have held in scorn the task itself.
     Though Marx held wide-reaching contempt for religion and for
those premodern understandings which assigned misery, tragic and
terrible events to gods or fate, Marx did not have a contempt for
the people who reached for God when times were hard and life was
threatened.  In his Critique of Hegel, Marx said that religion
was the opiate of the people but he said more than that in the
same paragraph; 
     Religion is the general theory of that [premodern] world,
     its encyclopedic compendium, its logic in a popular form,
     its spiritualistic point d'honneur, its enthusiasm, its
     moral sanction, its solemn completion, its universal ground
     for consolation and justification (in A Contribution to a
     Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right).
     Religion was then, for Marx, the expression of real distress
and a protest against real distress.  It is the sigh of the
oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, just as it is
the spirit of a spiritless condition in which human beings find
themselves.  Marx saw that good technology in the service of good
theory along with good politics could end the era of prehistory
and the idiotic explanations of human alienation they developed.  
     To its everlasting credit, capitalism did just that; it
provided modern industrial technology with its creativity,
flexibility and productivity.  It also perfected the
organizational and technical means by which extraction of surplus
value through exploitation produced inequalities in wealth and
power impossible in premodern times.  Somewhere Marx said that
the miracles of God were rendered superfluous by the miracles of
modern industry.  Marx, thus, saw many positive moments to
capitalism, the chief of which was that it engineered the divorce
between premodern understandings on the one hand and social
philosophy on the other.  In a moment, capitalism destroyed
feudalism, slavery and primitive communism.  Capitalism pushed
religion and its muddled, mystic defeatism to the background of
human affairs.  Capitalism provided the means and the missions
for a knowledge process that held the seeds of a good and just
society.
The Life and Death of God in Marx and Weber  Marx had held that
capitalism created the bourgeois state and the bourgeois state
separated itself from religion; in so doing, capitalism was
emancipatory,
     The division of man [sic] into Protestant and citizen..., is
     not a lie...; it is political emancipation itself--the
     political way of emancipation from religion. (On the Jewish
     Question).
     And again,
     Man emancipates himself from religion politically by
     relegation [of religious law] from public to private law.
     (On the Jewish Question).
     Once god is privatized, that is, confined to situated dramas
of the Holy, the larger uses of politics and economics are
unfettered.  Freed from the constraints of Church and immune from
the exhortations of prophets, capitalism could explore its many
positive and negative potentials.  Foundational concepts of grand
religions are squeezed, by the privatization of canon law, into
the smallest possible corners of social life.  In Catholicism
today, canon law applies only within the church.  Only
Protestantism managed to further privatize religion by confining
it to the thoughts of single individuals in the privacy of their
prayer.
     In many ways, the sequestering of the god concept to private
life or to a few voluntary organizations (including the church)
operating on the periphery of society means the death of god. 
Note that it is capitalism, not Marx or Nietzsche, which confines
and destroys the realm of the Holy and the reach of God; they are
simply reporters who respond with great ambivalence to such
sequestering.
     God cannot exist in any political economy in which market
relations (profit, impersonality, technical rationality,
privatized demand and exchange value) pre-empts the realm of the
Holy.  Market values require that both nature and society be
treated in practical, instrumental ways.  Nature is not the
province of the gods but rather the province of the developer. 
Society is not the flesh, bones, blood and spirit of the gods but
rather the source of labor power and of consumer demand. 
Slavery, feudalism and low technology communalism require divine
sanction for production and distribution; all prior political
economies base production and distribution on status not profit. 
Capitalism finds such world-views to be romantic nonsense. 
Modern science is sufficient to the day for purely market
relations.
     It is a marxian analysis, if not Marx himself, which helps
connect capitalism to the death of God.  Once this connection is
firmly understood, then the possibility of reinventing market
systems which retain some of the many positivities of market
capitalism while eliminating many of its negativities.  In
another essay, I will suggest that the market socialism of Roemer
and Kenworthy offer interesting comment to the task.
Marx and the Premodern   There are many compatibilities and
congruences between marxist thought and premodern sensibilities. 
It would be misleading to pass by the many ways in which the
premodern influenced Marx and the marxian camp.  Many have noted
the origins of Marx's optimism for traditional Jewish assumptions
that one worked in this world to build the good society.  In
this respect, Marx carried on the long quest, still alive in
Judaism, for the restoration of autonomy and respect for its
people and its culture; yet one must note and keep in mind that
Marx did not confine the quest for justice to members of the
Jewish faith nor did he assume some primacy of place for Jewish
cultural traditions.  Still, it was in a letter to Arnold Ruge
that Marx said, "To get its sins forgiven, humanity needs only to
describe them as they are." (McLellan, 1977:38)  In all his work,
Marx worked to help humanity find and forgive and to make itself
at home in a world it helped create...this is, truly, a religious
liturgy in the technical sense of the word: good work.
     More directly, the quest for peace and justice in this world
informs the marxian quest for a knowledge process and a political
process that resonates with ideas of salvation, redemption,
fellowship and mutual sharing of the resources within a religious
solidarity.  It is fair, I should think, to hold that Marx
retained the mission of the knowledge process inherited from
Judeo-Christian prophets and intellectuals while he rejected
premodern methods for acquisition of knowledge preferring,
instead, the scientific method of Newton, Laplace, Sussmilch,
Darwin and other empirical observers.
     Marx had very little patience with those who claimed to be
able to announce the Will of the God or to pronounce absolute
truth through meditation, revelation or inspiration.  Marx heaped
scorn and calumny upon those who assigned immiserating human
events to abstract forces, to non-existent gods; to those who
lived and thought and fought for freedom only in the realm make-
believe and just-pretend; after death.  Marx shifted focus from
alienation in the realm of the ideal to exploitation inside
concretely existing social relations.  For Marx, forces of
production and relationships to the means of production ground
the study of alienation and praxis.
     It is not for nothing that Marx sat for long years in the
British Museum studying the voluminous reports of social
conditions in England, Wales, Ireland and Scotland.  It is not
for nothing that Marx conducted one of the first systematic
studies of working class life and the work process.  It was
empirical data that were grist for the knowledge mill in Marxian
thought; prayer, purification and renunciation of things of the
flesh were not pathways to knowledge.  Yet the mission of the
knowledge process is the same for both Marx and the
premodernists; an answer to the primal questions of moral and
peaceful social life.
      Marx and all the marxist camp were and are concerned with
the possibility of escape from pain and suffering as well as the
possibility of a praxis society in this life, a possibility which
informs every chiliastic movement from separatist communities of
early Christians to the Puritans, Mennonites, Hutterites,
Quakers, and all the utopian communities founded in the past four
hundred years.  The Chiliastic vision presumes a time when Christ
will return but that there is a possibility of a 'thousand year'
epoch of social peace and justice prior to the coming of the end
of days.  That vision resonates with the social gospel that
informs Protestantism, Catholicism and liberation theology today. 
     Marx, then, saw God and religion to be shaped by the mode of
production found in a society.  In this epoch, that of unfettered
capitalism, religion was an ambush behind which lurked the
interests of the ruling class.  In feudality, religion took the
shape of a powerful ruler in a hierarchal pyramid of power.  In
capitalism, religion becomes more a loose assembly of independent
producers each reading and reflecting on the Bible and coming up
with an interpretation which fits and celebrates his or her own
interests in the marketplace but never intrudes in the
'invisible' hand of the capitalist class itself or the state
which acts as its agent at home or abroad.
     In the marxian world view, God did not exist either as an
ontologically being or as an abstract embodiment of society.  God
was pure fiction kept alive by promises which never came while
poor people play lottery in a labor market on the slim chance
they will win.  In a fraudulently religious world, some do win;
those who spin the wheel and those who run and fetch for them in
the world of ideas win and win hugely.  But the winning is always
less than the stake...in capitalism as elsewhere, there is no
free lunch.  Some win and many lose.
     Marx is criticized by premodern theologians, properly so,
for his failure to gauge fully the impact of things of the spirit
upon economy.  Such impact entails volumes but the short version
is that, under some conditions, ideas can overthrow economics. 
Mormons founded whole new ways of life in their early days. 
Economics and politics worked to modify and edit those new
practices until now Mormons are not very different from
Protestants and Reformed Jews.  But there was a time when
dramatic transformations of social life were engineered by
religious ideas rather than the reverse as a Marx would hold.
     In more recent times, the overturning of the USSR bespeaks
the power of ideas in a time of troubles.  The effort of the KGB
to suppress the liberalization of the Gorbachev era failed.  A
Marx might say that socialist economics paved the way for a more
democratic socialism but that history is not yet writ.  I rather
expect a wide range of economic systems to emerge and most to
fail.  Out of such full blown chaos (technically understood),
spiritual values of the sort found in the foundational concepts
of grand narratives, including democratic socialism, will be
important to death of god arguments.
Marx and the Postmodern       There are many elements of Marxian
theory which resonate with the postmodern spirit.  Marx helped
decenter grand unified theory and linear causality by holding
that each mode of production had its own laws and that there were
discontinuous transformations in the causes of poverty, crime,
war and human knowledge.  Marx helped decenter God, science and
philosophy by locating them in the social formation they served,
and in so doing, contributed to the postmodern impulse in
science, religion, philosophy, economics and politics.  With his
vast genius and his compulsive drive for democratic humanism,
Marx worked to build a knowledge process and a social process
under the aegis of the people who must, perforce, live out their
lives in the consequence of such processes.  In his refusal to
specify, for all time, the features of a communist society;
holding instead that each society must work out its own
individual problems--it was here that Marx best exemplified the
postmodern spirit.
     For many in the postmodern camp, the possibility of general
theory and of structural analysis is remote.  The identification
of epochs, of modes of production, of tendential laws are,
equally, fallible human artifacts and artifices; equally meta-
narratives with special interests overlain upon the rich and
irrational surface of human life.  For many postmodern theorists,
marxian theory itself is but one of any number of possible
readings of capitalism.  Indeed, much of the mutual contempt
between marxist and postmodern scholars center around the
possibility of general statements of truth and fact.
     It is, arguably, in the concept of alienation that Marx most
fully inherits and most closely follows the radical democratic
strivings of postmodern poets, politicians, and ordinary people. 
In Marx as in postmodern morality, alienation was not separation
from non-existent gods nor was it, equally, separation from
Absolute Truth and Absolute Spirit; if nothing else, Marx'
critique of Hegel made that point.  
     The agenda for human salvation was, for Marx, empowerment
and enrichment of workers, minorities, women and third world
peoples whose labor had been turned back against them in
feudalism, capitalism, slavery and other forms of peonage to
build the institutions of oppression that kept ordinary people
from the centers of power and politics that create and recreate
such social formations.  For Marx, redemption required a special
means of production informed by modern science but more than
that, salvation required a special relationship to the means of
production; one which provided decent housing, health care,
education, nutrition as well as employment in prosocial labor. 
These are part of the human process and prelude to 'species
being.'
     Many have noted that marxian theory is more a religion than
a science.  In postmodernist terms, that is true.  Marx' philosophy
of knowledge erases the false boundaries between science,
religion and philosophy and replaces them with a reading that
reveals their connections.  As much as Marx respected the work of
Charles Darwin, still he could see the political philosophy and
economic interests in Britain that preshaped Darwinian concepts
and ideas about evolution.  While Kropokin talked of mutual aid
as the foundational concept of the species, Darwin used the
imagery of industrial capitalism and its foundational concepts;
competition, struggle for survival, survival of the fittest and
thus, progress through conflict.
     The obverse of alienation, in marxian social philosophy is
praxis.  It is here that Marx departs from the radical freedoms
of some postmodern philosophies.  A postmodern reading of marxian
theory would both recognize and honor the human hand in writing
codes and setting limits; of locating centers and defining
boundaries.  The only question for Marx would be the content of
those codes; the geometry of those centers; the sociology of
those boundaries.
In these times, Marx would examine the emancipatory moments
of postmodern art, music, poetry, literature, drama, and,
especially science.  In such an enterprize, a postmodern Marx
would work to retain the positivities and urge transformation of
the negativities of the postmodern.
     His view of God did not do justice to the genius of Marx nor
to the facts of the case.  An otherwise subtle and insightful
intelligence failed greatly in the assessment of the nature of
God.  Much of what Marx said has validity:  God is a false
reification of social power...that is to say, the supernatural
god is a false reification.  Many Gods have been a mystification
and an ambush for the oppressed who accept the god of the rich. 
In any stratified society in which religion gives preference to
those at the top and offers theologic rationales for caste,
class, gender and racial privilege, the God concept is alien to
the human condition.  The omnipotent God who has his own
unchangeable plans for stratified society is an obstacle which
must be destroyed if progressive social change is to take place. 
Marx set out to destroy such a god.
 
     A more open intelligence has made better contribution to the
economic and political sources of the God concept than has Marx. 
We can benefit from the work of Max Weber in the sociology of
religion.  Weber located the origins of god in the political
economy of a society but he credited religion and God with more
autonomy and more promise than did Marx.  Of particular interest
is the Weberian view on the reasons why god came to be a
universal and rational gods; the reasons why the god of the
powerful came to be the god of a society.  For those who can read
Weber and use him, he can contribute to a postmodern theology. 
He concern about the keepers of the god concept is fundamental to
postmodern religion for reasons discussed below.
The Weberian God    Max Weber (1920) saw the birth of God in the
                    political aftermath of warfare.  He saw the
transformations of God as part of the process by which the gods
of the conquered peoples were assimilated into the pantheon of
the conquerors:
     'Where a political god of a locality developed, it was
     natural enough that he achieved priority...
     'Whenever a plurality of settled communities with
     established local gods expanded the area of their political
     association through conquest, the usual result was that
     various local gods of the newly amalgamated communities were
     thereupon welded into a religious totality'.
Rationality and the God Concept    The transformation of a
pantheon into one god develops, according to Weber, out of the
need for rationalization of community and economy.   
     'The process of rationalization favored the primacy of
     universal gods; and every...[religion]...followed systematic
     rational principles to some degree, since it [religion] was
     always influenced by...the rational striving for order by
     secular individuals.
     'Upon these [universal] gods depend both rational economic
     practice and the secure, regulated hegemony of sacred norms
     in the social community.'
     For Weber, as with Marx, God in his present form, grew out
of the economic imperatives for a stable market and a peaceful
work force held in check by sacred norms.  Weber nominates the
sky-gods for preeminence.  The regularity of the stars, the
seasons of the year, the tides and the daily journey of Sun and
Moon fit the needs, in trade and commerce, for rationality; that
is to say, of prediction and, hence, control.  All corporate and
state bureaucrats prefer the gods of rationality to the gods of
creativity; the gods of routine to the gods of joy.  Economic
considerations gave preference to those gods which give the
promise of control over nature more so than the various warrior
gods who were whimsical, undependable and disruptive of trade.
Empire and the God Concept    The universality of God grew out of
expanding empire.  Weber cites the growth of empire in China, the
expansion of the authority of the Brahman caste in India as well
as the bureaucratic totalitarianism of Egypt as the basis for the
transformation of a pantheon of gods into one ruling God-head. 
Against the bureaucratic impetus toward one remote and abstract
god, Weber stands the need of the individual family or group to
have '...an accessible and tangible familiar religious object
which could be brought into relationship with concrete life
situations...to the exclusion of outsiders, an object that would
above all...[provide them with access to magic].'
     While Pharaohs and Kings might like predictable gods,
ordinary people would like to have some access to magic to help
them defeat inevitability or to deal with the unpredictable and
unknowable events which beset them.  That tension between the
need for a rational God and a flexible, immediate responsive god
is still a major problematic in Christendom;  the various Saints
and the Mother Mary tend to be used to resolve it in Catholicism. 
The Jesus figure is an important intermediary to the more remote
Jehovah for many Protestant Christians; Jesus has a human face
and spoke of his suffering and doubt in human tongue.  
     Hindus have no such problem; nor do the Buddhist or the
Shinto.  Presumably they will develop more remote and more
universal gods as their societies enter the capitalist world
system...or take Jehovah or Allah for their god.
Stratification and the God Process      Perhaps the central
contribution of Weber to postmodern expressions of the God
concept was in his discussion of the attitude of God toward the
poor and the rich.  He says that, in those religions which have a
God makes some to suffer while rewarding others with power and
wealth, religion meets the ideological needs of the dominant
stratum in a society:
     If the general term 'fortune' covers all the 'good' of
     honour, power, possession and pleasure, it is the most
     general formula for the service of legitimation, which
     religion has had to accomplish for the external and inner
     interests of all ruling men [sic], the propertied, the
     victorious and the healthy.  In short, religion provides the
     theodicy of good fortune for those who are fortunate.
     It is very important to the changing concept of God just
which stratum is given authority to interpret the Will of God;
hence the nature of God.  While Marx might see the priests and
other clerics as 'running dogs of the bourgeoisie,' Weber sees
religious intelligentsia as more responsive to the larger
totality than to their masters, sponsors, oppressors or selectors
in the upper reaches of wealth and power.
Keepers of the God Concept    Weber (1920) said that while the
six world religions are complex and every God a special formula,
still God and religion are created primarily by the cultured
literati--intellectuals--of each:
          Religion            Intelligentsia      
          Confucianism        Prebendaries        
          Hinduism            Brahmans            
          Islamism            Sufis               
          Christianity        Wandering Preachers 
          Buddhism            Monks
          Judaism             Rabbis
     For Weber, all institutions of society receive their 'stamp'
of legitimacy primarily from religious sources...first of all
from the promises of its God.  Each generation of religious
functionaries appropriates that promise and interprets it to the
needs of their own stratum more so than to the needs of any other
stratum including the rich and powerful.  While Marx concedes the
concept of God to the bourgeoisie, Weber reserves it, in the last
instant, to those who embody the need for salvation in this
world.  But, until judgment day, religion works on behalf of the
powerful.
     It is not for the oppressed to take matters in their own
hands since God may have sent tyrants, poverty, plagues, wars,
genocide, or natural calamity to test one's faith or to work His
own mysterious purpose.  To take up arms against oppressors is,
for many theologians, to challenge the Will and Purpose of God. 
Still there is a mighty impetus toward revolution in the stratum
of the religious thinkers.  Priests and preachers; rabbis and
sufis; monks and ministers take suffering and resentment for
suffering into their own province and link it to redemption....
     Above all, the peculiarity of the intellectual strata in
     this matter has been, in the past, of greatest importance
     for religion...it was the work of the intellectuals to
     sublimate the possession of sacred values into a belief in
     'redemption.'  The conception of redemption, as such, is
     very old if one means by it a liberation from distress,
     hunger, drought, sickness and ultimately from suffering and
     death. (Weber, 1920)
     Weber notes that whatever fanciful idea one may have about
the form redemption might take, still it takes rationalization of
this world to achieve it.  In Weber, rationalization has a very
technical meaning; it subsumes the probabilities that one can
achieve the goals one sets with the means at hand.  To improve
rationality, one must improve the technology with which goals are
pursued.   He says, of this quest, '...the core of genuine
religious rationalism, has been borne precisely by the strata of
intellectuals.'  The first task of the religious functionary is
to solve the problem of redemption; the reproduction of power and
privilege takes second place.
     In these times, since the factors that shape social problems
and thus, the possibilities of redemption (viewed as social
justice), are global in nature, the technical means to achieve
any substantive human goal: housing, health, hunger, child
rearing, war, crime, dignity for minorities and for senior
citizens must have local, national and international means.
     In such a world, god concepts which are confined to
household, tribe, or to ethnic categories are, in weberian terms,
irrational.  The organic intellectuals of such gods divide and
miniaturize the problems which are central to social justice. 
They offer a god whose dimensions are smaller than the global
structures to which the drama of the Holy must speak.  They offer
a god concept whose solutions are confined to some fraction of
the world's population.  They offer a redemption that transfers
its costs to women, minorities or to neighboring people in the
world.
     The drama of the Holy is fragmented and miniaturized as well
when the cultured literati come out of the ranks of an elite; the
sons and daughters of the intelligentsia; viceroys to the wealthy
and the powerful seldom if ever immerse themselves in the
religious culture of the workers and peasants.  Still less can
they give those religious practices a theoretical voice that
speaks to the general good, contaminated as they are by class,
status and power loyalties.  Elitist politics and elitist
conceptions of the Holy have great trouble in speaking to the
social justice needs of ordinary people yet ordinary people
embody and give flesh and spirit to whatever degree of reality a
god concept has.
Sanctification and Populist Religion    Ordinary priests,
wandering preachers, rabbis, monks as well as new made bishops
and rectors of a church hierarchy often devote themselves to an
exegesis of text and parable favorable the powers elite but just
as often, they speak against privilege and preference as an
abomination in the eye of their god.  Islamic Imams and Buddhist
monks, especially, are quick to condemn despots.  Western
theologians, immersed as they are in Protestant social philosophy
and its near cousin, Roman Catholicism have, in the past, brought
forward scripture and textual interpretation which favor slavery,
feudalism or capitalism but most people in the world are not in
elitist/Euro-centered political economies; they reside in more
communal and more sacred spheres.  Their organic intellectuals in
religious garb or in mufti, speak out of the anguish and against
injustice of the people with whom they daily live and among whom
they work. 
Liberation Theology      One can see in Weber, sufficient
independence from the political economy and from the powers elite
to permit religious intellectuals to be part of the revolution
toward the good society.  While it is unlikely that a Marx would
have conceded such a role to religion, yet in the many postmodern
expressions of religion; Catholic nuns and Monks take sides with
the poor and the oppressed in Central America.  They form base
communities which work for social justice in this world while the
same work prepares communicants for salvation in the next. 
Protestant clerics and communicants in the USA today put together
an underground railroad to give safe harbor to refugees from
state oppression.  They stand side by side with students,
soldiers, and socialists in protesting the many wars of
aggressive capitalism.
     In other domains of life, liberation theologists support
women in their quest for emancipation and empowerment (Weidman,
1984).  They work assiduously to help produce theology and
politics with which to emancipate and empower minorities (Wilmore
and Cone, 1979).  They act with compassion and sympathy toward
postmodern expressions of sexuality and sensuality.  They act
with mercy and quote scripture to offer refuge and renewal to
those in the third world who are hurt by others for their own
private desire (Berryman, 1987).  Thus is the postmodern joined
by theology in the 21st century.
Repositories of Religion in Postmodern Theology   While Marx and
Weber presumed the continuing division of labor in which a
relatively small priesthood retained hegemony over the god
concept, postmodern theology requires that sanctification be
polycentric.  Each person, each role, each social institution,
each social formation must incorporate the Drama of the Holy into
embodied activity for a postmodern theology to come into
existence.
     Neither Weber nor Marx are now alive to help us formulate a
religious sensibility that answers to the questions they raised;
to the economics they faulted; to the politics they criticized;
to the vision of full humanity that served as centerpoint to
their critique.  But others remain and more join every day to
push the knowledge process and the political process toward
social justice, and thus the Drama of the Holy toward praxis and
a praxis society.  The voice of the religious intellectual is
again heard in the land.
     For both Marx and Weber, the political economy of a society
shaped and reshaped the god concept.  If we project a future for
the world based upon present trends in the emerging world
economy, we will find bifurcations in wealth, status and power
which will do damage to the Drama of the Holy in all religious
traditions.  If, however, the same parameters, class, status and
power are mediated by postmodern theology which honors various
images and embodiments of the god concept, a polycentric Drama of
the Holy is possible.  An emancipatory postmodern theology would
value the face of god in any incarnation and work to make real,
the face of god that best serves peace unmediated by power and
justice mediated by mercy and compassion in a pluralistic world
system.
12000 = word count

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