
The perversions of Michel Foucault
by
Roger Kimball

Since it is difficult, or rather impossible, to represent a
man’s life as entirely spotless and free from blame, we should use
the best chapters in it to build up the most complete picture and
regard this as the true likeness. Any errors or crimes, on the other
hand, which may tarnish a man’s career and may have been committed
out of passion or political necessity, we should regard rather as a
lapse from a particular virtue than as the products of some innate
vice. We must not dwell on them too emphatically in our history, but
should rather show indulgence to human nature for its inability to
produce a character which is absolutely good and uncompromisingly
dedicated to virtue.
—Plutarch, in the life of Cimon
I am no doubt not the only one who writes in order to have no
face. Do not ask who I am and do not ask me to remain the same: leave
it to our bureaucrats and our police to see that our papers are in
order.
—Michel Foucault, The Archaelogy of Knowledge
Looking back on our arrogantly skeptical
age, future historians are likely to regard the rebirth of hagiography
in the 1980s and 1990s with bemused curiosity. For one thing, these
decades witnessed a notable dearth of likely hagioi or saints
available for the honor of such commemoration. Then, too, the
debunking temper of our times is ill-suited—or so one would have
thought—to the task of adulation. Yet James Miller’s ambitious new
biography of the French historian-philosopher Michel Foucault [1]
(né Paul-Michel, after his father) demonstrates that the will to
idolize can triumph over many obstacles.
Foucault, who died of AIDS in June 1984 at
the age of fifty-seven, has long been a darling of the same super-chic
academic crowd that fell for deconstruction, Jacques Derrida, and
other aging French imports. But where the deconstructionists
specialize in the fruity idea that language refers only to itself (il
n’y a pas de hors texte, in Derrida’s now-famous phrase),
Foucault’s focus was Power. He came bearing the bad news in bad
prose that every institution, no matter how benign it seems, is
“really” a scene of unspeakable domination and subjugation; that
efforts at enlightened reform—of asylums, of prisons, of society at
large—have been little more than alibis for extending state power;
that human relationships are, underneath it all, deadly struggles for
mastery; that truth itself is merely a coefficient of coercion;
&c., &c. “Is it surprising,” Foucault asked in Surveiller
et punir (English translation: Discipline and Punish,
1977), “that prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks,
hospitals, which all resemble prisons?” Such “interrogations”
were a terrific hit in the graduate seminar, of course. And Mr. Miller
may well be right in claiming that by the time of his death Foucault
was “perhaps the single most famous intellectual in the
world”—famous, at least, in American universities, where hermetic
arguments about sex and power are pursued with risible fecklessness by
the hirsute and untidy. In all this, Foucault resembled his more
talented rival and fellow left-wing activist, Jean-Paul Sartre, whose
stunning career Foucault did everything he could to emulate, beginning
with a stint in the French Communist Party in the early 1950s. He
never quite managed it—he never wrote anything as original or
philosophically significant as Being and Nothingness, never had
the public authority that Sartre, alas, enjoyed in the postwar years.
Yet he had eminent and devoted cheerleaders, including such well-known
figures as the historian Paul Veyne, his colleague at the Collège de
France, who declared Foucault “the most important event in the
thought of our century.”
Be that as it may, he remains an unlikely candidate for
canonization. But the very title of this new biography—The
Passion of Michel Foucault— puts readers on notice that, in Mr.
Miller’s opinion, anyway, his subject presents us with a life of
such exemplary, self-sacrificing virtue that it bears comparison with
the Passion of Jesus Christ. (Nor is the reference to the Passion
adventitious: Mr. Miller makes the connection explicit.) The eager
reception of The Passion of Michel Foucault suggests that Mr.
Miller, a prolific cultural journalist who teaches at the New School
for Social Research, is not alone in his estimation. To be sure, there
have been a few dissenting voices, mostly from academic homosexual
activists who feel that Mr. Miller was insufficiently reverential. But
most critics, including such luminaries as Alexander Nehamas, Richard
Rorty, and Alasdair MacIntyre, have been falling over themselves to
express their admiration and “gratitude” for Mr. Miller’s
performance.
What is novel about that performance is Mr. Miller’s neglect of
Plutarch’s admonition, quoted above, that one ought to concentrate
on “the best chapters” of a life and cover over “any crimes or
errors” when writing about a great man. While this might be
questionable advice for a biographer, for a hagiographer it would seem
to be indispensable. Not that anyone familiar with the outlines of
Foucault’s life is likely to think him an angel. Mr. Miller
describes him as a “new type of intellectual,” “modest and
without mystifying pretense.” But this is at best disingenuous.
True, Foucault occasionally indulged in some ritualistic false modesty
before delivering a lecture or when disparaging earlier work in favor
of his present enterprises. But as the French journalist Didier Eribon
has shown in an earlier biography (and as Mr. Miller unwittingly shows
in his own), arrogance and mystification were two hallmarks of
Foucault’s character and writing. [2]
Eribon notes that at school, where Foucault decorated his walls with
Goya’s horrific etchings of the victims of war, the future
philosopher was “almost universally detested.” Schoolmates
remember him as brilliant, but also aloof, sarcastic, and cruel. He
several times attempted—and more often threatened—suicide.
Self-destruction, in fact, was another of Foucault’s obsessions, and
Mr. Miller is right to underscore Foucault’s fascination with death.
In this, as in so much else, he followed the lead of the Marquis de
Sade, who had long been one of his prime intellectual and moral
heroes. (Though, as Miller notes, Foucault felt that Sade “had not
gone far enough,” since, unaccountably, he continued to see the body
as “strongly organic.”) Foucault came to enjoy imagining
“suicide festivals” or “orgies” in which sex and death would
mingle in the ultimate anonymous encounter. Those planning suicide, he
mused, could look “for partners without names, for occasions to die
liberated from every identity.”
Mr. Miller describes Foucault as “one of
the representative men—and outstanding thinkers—of the twentieth
century.” But his great innovation in this book is to seize what was
most vicious and perverted about Foucault—his addiction to
sadomasochistic sexual practices—and to glorify it as a courageous
new form of virtue—a specifically philosophical virtue,
moreover. Note well: Mr. Miller does not attempt to excuse or condone
or tolerate Foucault’s vices; he does not, for instance, claim that
they were the human, all-too-human foibles of a man who was
nevertheless a great thinker. Such attitudes, after all, carry an
implied criticism: we excuse only what requires exculpation; we
tolerate only what makes demands upon our patience or
broad-mindedness.[3]
What we fully approve of we certify and celebrate; and celebration of
Foucault and all he stood for is at the top of Mr. Miller’s agenda
in this book.
Mr. Miller claims that Foucault’s penchant for sadomasochistic
sex was itself an indication of admirable ethical adventurousness.
Indeed, in his view, we should be grateful to Foucault for his
pioneering exploration of hitherto forbidden forms of pleasure and
consciousness. In his preface, Mr. Miller suggests that Foucault,
“in his radical approach to the body and its pleasures, was in fact
a kind of visionary; and that in the future, once the threat of AIDS
has receded, men and women, both straight and gay, will renew, without
shame or fear, the kind of corporeal experimentation that formed an
integral part of his own philosophical quest.” In other words, Mr.
Miller attempts to enroll in the ranks of virtue behavior and
attitudes that until fifteen minutes ago were universally condemned as
pathological.
Many of his critics have cheerfully followed suit. For example, the
prominent Nietzsche scholar Alexander Nehamas, in the course of his
long and fulsome review of Mr. Miller’s book for The New Republic,
readily agrees that “sadomasochism was a kind of blessing in
Foucault’s life. It provided the occasion to experience relations of
power as a source of delight.” Consequently, Nehamas concludes,
“Foucault extended the limits of what could count as an admirable
human life.” Again, Isabelle de Courtivron, head of the department
of foreign languages and literatures at MIT,
assures readers in a front-page review for The New York Times Book
Review that Foucault “expanded modern knowledge in profoundly
important and original ways.” She then commends Mr. Miller “for
dismissing cliché-ridden concepts about certain specific erotic
practices, and for offering a clear and nonjudgmental (even
supportive) analysis of the tools and techniques of what he considers
a mutually consensual theater of cruelty.”
A great deal might be said about this effort to welcome
sadomasochism as a bracing new “lifestyle” option. Above all,
perhaps, it demonstrates the kind of spiritual and intellectual
wreckage that can result, even now— and even for the most educated
minds— from the afterwash of the radicalism of the 1960s. Make no
mistake: behind Professor de Courtivron’s anodyne commendation of a
“nonjudgmental” approach to human sexuality and Mr. Miller’s
dream of “corporeal experimentation” that proceeds “without
shame or fear” stands the vision of polymorphous emancipation that
helped turn the 1960s into the moral and political debacle it was.
Among the many articulations of false freedom that sprouted in those
years, none was more influential than Herbert Marcuse’s
Marxist-Freudian tract, Eros and Civilization (1966). Eagerly
embraced by countercultural enthusiasts who wanted to believe that
heating up their sex lives would hasten the demise of capitalism and
bring forth the millennium, it outlines a portentous struggle between
“the logic of domination” and the “will to gratification,”
attacks “the established reality in the name of the pleasure
principle,” and fulminates against “the repressive order of
procreative sexuality.” Very Foucauldian, all that. As indeed is
Marcuse’s splendid idea of “repressive tolerance,” which holds
that “what is proclaimed and practiced as tolerance today”—Marcuse
was writing in 1965 and had in mind such institutions as freedom of
speech and freedom of assembly—“is in many of its most effective
manifestations serving the cause of oppression.” In plain Orwellian
language: Freedom is tyranny, tyranny is freedom.
The aroma of such Sixties radicalism pervades Mr. Miller’s book
and everywhere undergirds his sympathy for Foucault. With this in
view, it seems only natural that among Mr. Miller’s other credits
are The Rolling Stone Illustrated History of Rock and Roll,
which he edited, and “Democracy Is in the Streets”: From Port
Huron to the Siege of Chicago (1987). I am unfamiliar with the
former work, but “Democracy Is in the Streets” is a
straightforward paean to the New Left and its “collective dream”
of “participatory democracy.” In that book, Mr. Miller was already
memorializing crucial “breakaway experiences”—“during sit-ins,
in marches, at violent confrontations”—and the Sixties’
“spirit of ecstatic freedom.” In some ways, The Passion of
Michel Foucault is a revival of that earlier book, done over with
a French theme and plenty of black leather.
Hence it is not surprising that when Mr. Miller gets around to les
événements, the student riots of 1968, his prose waxes
dithyrambic as gratified nostalgia fires his imagination. It is as if
he were reliving his lost —or maybe not-so-lost—childhood.
The disorder was intoxicating. Billboards were ripped apart, sign
posts uprooted, scaffolding and barbed wire pulled down, parked cars
tipped over. Piles of debris mounted in the middle of the
boulevards. The mood was giddy, the atmosphere festive. “Everyone
instantly recognized the reality of their desires,” one
participant wrote shortly afterward, summing up the prevailing
spirit. “Never had the passion for destruction been shown to be
more creative.”
Foucault himself, unfortunately, had to miss out on the first wave of
riots, since he was teaching at the University of Tunis. But his lover
Daniel Defert was in Paris and kept him abreast of developments by
holding a transistor radio up to the telephone receiver for hours on
end. Later that year, Foucault was named head of the department of
philosophy at the newly created University of Vincennes outside Paris.
The forty-three-year-old professor of philosophy then got a chance to
abandon himself to the intoxication. In January 1969, a group of five
hundred students seized the administration building and amphitheater,
ostensibly to signal solidarity with their brave colleagues who had
occupied the Sorbonne earlier that day. In fact, as Mr. Miller
suggests, the real point was “to explore, again, the creative
potential of disorder.” Mr. Miller is very big on “the creative
potential of disorder.” Foucault was one of the few faculty who
joined the students. When the police arrived, he followed the
recalcitrant core to the roof in order to “resist.” Mr. Miller
reports proudly that while Foucault “gleefully” hurled stones at
the police, he was nonetheless “careful not to dirty his beautiful
black velour suit.”
It was shortly after this encouraging episode that Foucault shaved
his skull and emerged as a ubiquitous countercultural spokesman. His
“politics” were consistently foolish, a combination of solemn
chatter about “transgression,” power, and surveillance, leavened
by an extraordinary obtuseness about the responsible exercise of power
in everyday life. Foucault was dazzled by the thought that the word
“subject” (as in “the subject who is reading this”) is cognate
with “subjection.” “Both meanings,” he speculated, “suggest
a form of power which subjugates or makes subject to.” Foucault
posed as a passionate partisan of liberty. At the same time, he never
met a revolutionary piety he didn’t like. He championed various
extreme forms of Marxism, including Maoism; he supported the Ayatollah
Khomeini, even when the Ayatollah’s fundamentalist cadres set about
murdering thousands of Iranian citizens. In 1978, looking back to the
postwar period, he asked: “What could politics mean when it was a
question of choosing between Stalin’s USSR
and Truman’s America?” It tells us a great deal that Foucault
found this question difficult to answer.
One thing that is refreshing about Foucault’s political follies,
however, is that they tend to make otherwise outlandish figures appear
comparatively tame. In a debate that aired on Dutch television in the
early Seventies, for example, the famous American radical and linguist
Noam Chomsky appears as a voice of sanity and moderation in comparison
to Foucault. As Mr. Miller reports it, while Chomsky insisted “we
must act as sensitive and responsible human beings,” Foucault
replied that such ideas as responsibility, sensitivity, justice, and
law were merely “tokens of ideology” that completely lacked
legitimacy. “The proletariat doesn’t wage war against the ruling
class because it considers such a war to be just,” he argued. “The
proletariat makes war with the ruling class because … it wants to
take power.” Of course, this has been the standard sophistical line
since Socrates encountered Thrasymachus, but these days one rarely
hears it so bluntly articulated. Nor were such performances rare. In
another debate, Foucault championed the September Massacres of 1792,
in which over a thousand people suspected of harboring royalist
sympathies were ruthlessly butchered, as a sterling example of
“popular justice” at work. As Mr. Miller puts it, Foucault
believed that justice would be best served “by throwing open every
prison and shutting down every court.”
Although he came of age in the 1940s and
1950s, the “public” Foucault was fundamentally a child of the
Sixties: precocious, spoiled, self-absorbed, full of jejune political
sentiments, wracked by unfulfillable fantasies of absolute ecstasy. He
became expert at straining the narcissistic delusions of the Sixties
through the forbidding, cynical argot of contemporary French
philosophy. And it is primarily to this, I believe, that he owes his
enormous success as an academic guru. In Foucault’s philosophy, the
“idealism” of the Sixties was painted a darker hue. But its demand
for liberation from “every fixed form,” as Mr. Miller repeatedly
puts it, remained very much in force. In an interview from 1968,
Foucault suggested that “the rough outline of a future society is
supplied by the recent experiences with drugs, sex, communes, other
forms of consciousness and other forms of individuality. If scientific
socialism emerged from the utopias of the nineteenth century,
it is possible that a real socialization will emerge in the 20th
century from experiences.”
Drugs, in fact, were one aid that Foucault freely availed himself
of in his search for “experiences.” He battened on hashish and
marijuana in the Sixties, but it was not until 1975 that he had his
first encounter with LSD. Mr. Miller considers
it crucial to the philosopher’s development, and so apparently did
Foucault, who described it in what were clearly his highest words of
praise. “The only thing I can compare this experience to in my
life,” he is reported to have said at the time, “is sex with a
stranger. … Contact with a strange body affords an experience of the
truth similar to what I am experiencing now.” “I now understand my
sexuality,” he concluded. In light of Foucault’s fate, it seems
grimly significant that this pharmacological fête took place in Death
Valley. In any event, so galvanizing was Foucault’s first experience
with hallucinogens that he set aside drafts of the unpublished volumes
of The History of Sexuality—what a loss! As Miller notes,
there were hundreds of pages “on masturbation, on incest, on
hysteria, on perversion, on eugenics”: all the important
philosophical issues of our time.
Nineteen seventy-five was clearly
Foucault’s annus mirabilis. It marked not only his
introduction to the pleasures of LSD, but also
his first visit to California’s Bay Area and introduction to San
Francisco’s burgeoning sadomasochistic subculture. Foucault had
“experimented” with S&M
before—indeed, his proclivities in this matter cost him his
relationship with the composer Jean Barraqué. But he had never
encountered anything so exorbitant as what San Francisco offered.
According to Mr. Miller, the philosopher, now nearing his fiftieth
birthday, found it “a place of dumbfounding excess that left him
happily speechless.” The city’s countless homosexual bathhouses,
he explained, allowed Foucault to grapple with his “lifelong
fascination with ‘the overwhelming, the unspeakable, the creepy, the
stupefying, the ecstatic,’ embracing ‘a pure violence, a wordless
gesture.’”
As always, Mr. Miller presents Foucault’s indulgence in sexual
torture as if it were a noble existential battle for greater wisdom
and political liberation. Thus while sadomasochism is a topic that Mr.
Miller discusses early and often, his fullest exploration of the
subject comes in a chapter called, after the title of one of
Foucault’s books, “The Will to Know.” “Accepting the new level
of risk,” Mr. Miller writes, Foucault
joined again in the orgies of torture, trembling with “the most
exquisite agonies,” voluntarily effacing himself, exploding the
limits of consciousness, letting real, corporeal pain insensibly
melt into pleasure through the alchemy of eroticism. … Through
intoxication, reverie, the Dionysian abandon of the artist, the most
punishing of ascetic practices, and an uninhibited exploration of
sadomasochistic eroticism, it seemed possible to breach, however
briefly, the boundaries separating the conscious and unconscious,
reason and unreason, pleasure and pain—and, at the ultimate limit,
life and death—thus starkly revealing how distinctions central to
the play of true and false are pliable, uncertain, contingent.
Much of the time, Mr. Miller appears as a sober investigative
journalist. But just mention the word “transcendence” and he goes
all gooey. I suspect it’s a reflex, acquired from too much Alan
Watts and other quasi-mystical confections. Just as Pavlov’s dog
could not help salivating when he heard the bell ring, so Mr. Miller
can’t help spouting nonsense whenever anyone mentions Dionysus.
Noting sadly that we may “never know” exactly what Foucault did
while exploding the limits of consciousness and effacing the
boundaries between pleasure and pain, Mr. Miller is nevertheless
gruesomely particular in his descriptions of the sadomasochistic
underworld that Foucault frequented, a world that featured, among
other attractions, “gagging, piercing, cutting, electric-shocking,
stretching on racks, imprisoning, branding. …” “Depending on the
club,” he dutifully reports, “one could savor the illusion of
bondage—or experience the most directly physical sorts of
self-chosen ‘torture.’” Foucault threw himself into this scene
with an enthusiasm that astonished his friends, quickly acquiring an
array of leather clothes and, “for play,” a variety of clamps,
handcuffs, hoods, gags, whips, paddles, and other “sex toys.”
Mr. Miller’s discussion of sadomasochism is certainly grotesque;
it is also comical at times. Despite everything, Mr. Miller is a
careful scholar, and so he feels obliged to supply readers with a full
list of sources. In his compendious notes, he informs us that his
discussion is based on such works as “The Catacombs: A Temple of the
Butthole,” Urban Aboriginals: A Celebration of Leathersexuality,
and The New Leatherman’s Workbook: A Photo Illustrated Guide to
SM Sex Devices. “For the techniques of
gay S/M in these years,” he explains, “I
have relied on Larry Townshend, The Leatherman’s Handbook II.”
It’s the deadpan delivery that does it.
Unintended comedy aside, however, Mr. Miller’s whole depiction of
sadomasochism is a maze of contradictions, veering wildly between the
worst sort of pop psycho-babble and pompous “philosophical”
sermonizing. Addicted to countercultural platitudes about sexual
liberation and psychic emancipation, he can’t understand why “S/M
is still one of the most widely stigmatized of sexual practices.”
Still, after all these years! On the one hand, to help overcome the
stigma, he is desperate to de-toxify the subject, to make the
perversion seem “generally benign” and normal. On the other hand,
he also feels constrained to present the practice of sexual torture as
something brave, “exploratory,” and “challenging.” The whips
and chains are really just “props”; the encounters are
“consensual”; the pain is “often mild”; the devotees of S&M
are, “on the whole, … as nonviolent and well-adjusted as any other
segment of the population.” But even as he is telling us about the
the pillows he found in an S&M
“dungeon” to make it cozy, he also quotes the expert who, while
insisting that “the real trip is mental,” freely acknowledges that
“there is certainly pain and sometimes a small amount of blood.”
Only a small amount, though.
One of Mr. Miller’s frequent explanatory strategies involves a
trip down the slippery slope. When was the last time you had a violent
impulse? Well, then: aren’t we all closet sadists? “After all,”
Mr. Miller argues, “S/M on one level merely
makes explicit the sadistic and masochistic fantasies implicitly at
play in most, perhaps all, human relationships.” Ah yes, “on one
level.” It never seems to occur to Mr. Miller that, even if it were
true that such fantasies were “implicitly” at play in most human
relationships (itself a dubious proposition), the difference between
“implicit” and “explicit” is exactly the difference upon which
the entire world of moral behavior is based. Furthermore, the question
of “relationships” hardly enters, for as Foucault himself
stressed, the anonymity of the encounters formed a large part of their
attraction: “You meet men [in the clubs] who are to you as you are
to them: nothing but a body with which combinations and productions of
pleasure are possible. You cease to be imprisoned in your own face, in
your own past, in your own identity.”
Even Mr. Miller recognizes—though he doesn’t come right out and
say it—that at the center of Foucault’s sexual obsessions was not
the longing for philosophical insight but the longing for oblivion.
“Complete total pleasure,” Foucault correctly observed, is
“related to death.” The unhappy irony is that this apostle of sex
and hedonism should have wound up, like the Marquis de Sade before
him, exiling pleasure from sex. In one of the innumerable interviews
that he gave in later years, Foucault praised sadomasochism as “a
creative enterprise, which has as one of its main features what I call
the desexualization of pleasure.” What is pathetically revealing is
Foucault’s belief that this was an argument for
sadomasochism. He continued: “The idea that bodily pleasure should
always come from sexual pleasure, and the idea that sexual pleasure is
the root of all our possible pleasure—I think that’s
something quite wrong.” Well yes, Michel, there is something quite
wrong about that. But who believes that “bodily pleasure should
always come from sexual pleasure”? Had a good meal lately? Enjoyed a
walk in the sunshine? It is part of the relentless logic of
sadomasochism that what begins as a single-minded cultivation of
sexual pleasure for its own sake ends by extinguishing the capacity
for enjoying pleasure altogether. Indeed, it might be said that the
pursuit of ever more extreme sensations of pleasure, which stands at
the heart of the sadomasochistic enterprise, drains the pleasure out
of pleasure. The desire for oblivion ends up in the oblivion of
desire.
Foucault’s sexual adventures in the early 1980s also inevitably
raise the question of AIDS. Did Foucault know
he had the disease? Mr. Miller engages in a fair amount of
hand-wringing over this question. He begins by saying no, Foucault
probably didn’t know. But he also quotes Daniel Defert, who thought
his friend “had a real knowledge” that he had AIDS.
“When he went to San Francisco for the last time, he took it as a limit-experience.”
This puts Mr. Miller in a tough position. He thinks that “limit
experiences” are by definition a good thing. “It is not immoral to
be convulsed by singular fantasies and wild impulses,” he writes,
summarizing the “ethical” point of Foucault’s book Madness
and Civilization: “such limit-experiences are to be valued as a
way of winning back access to the occluded, Dionysian dimension of
being human.” But what if pursuing the limit involves infecting
other people with a deadly disease? What if the pursuit of some
“limit experiences” implicates one in what amounts to homicidal
behavior? In the end, Mr. Miller waffles. He is all for allowing those
who “think differently” to engage in “potential suicidal acts of
passion” with consenting partners. But homicidal acts? It is pretty
clear, in any event, what Foucault himself thought. As he put it in
Volume 1 of The History of Sexuality, “The Faustian pact,
whose temptation has been instilled in us by the deployment of
sexuality, is now as follows: to exchange life in its entirety for sex
itself, for the truth and the sovereignty of sex. Sex is worth dying
for.”
Foucault is admired above all for practicing
an exemplary suspicion about the topics he investigated. He is
supposed to have been a supreme intellectual anatomist, ruthlessly
laying bare the hidden power relations, dark motives, and ideological
secrets that infect bourgeois society and that fester unacknowledged
in the hearts and minds of everyone. It is curious, though, that
Foucault’s acolytes bring so little suspicion to the master’s own
claims. Consider the central Foucauldian contention that objective
truth is a “chimera,” that truth is always and everywhere a
function of power, of “multiple forms of constraint.” Some version
of this claim is propagated as gospel by academics across the country.
But wait: is it true? Is it in fact the case that truth is
always relative to a “regime of truth,” i.e., to politics? If one
says: Yes, it is true, then one plunges directly into
contradiction—for haven’t we just dispensed with this naïve idea
of truth?— and the logical cornerstone of Foucault’s epistemology
crumbles.
Or consider the proposition that Michel Foucault is a kind of
latter-day avatar of Friedrich Nietzsche. It is not so much argued as
taken for granted that Foucault, like Nietzsche, was the very epitome
of the lonely but profound philosophical hero, thinking thoughts too
deep—and too dangerous—for most of us. (Except of course for
Foucault’s followers: for them it is the work of a moment to
dispense with “Western metaphysics,” “bourgeois humanism,” and
a thousand other evils.) Foucault himself assiduously promoted the
idea that he was a modern-day Nietzsche, and Mr. Miller has elevated
the comparison into a central interpretive principle. In his preface,
he announces that his book is not so much a biography as an account
“of one man’s lifelong struggle to honor Nietzsche’s gnomic
injunction, ‘to become what one is.’” Never mind that thirty
pages later we find Foucault insisting that “One writes to become
someone other than who one is”: the Foucault industry thrives on
such “paradoxes.” Anyway, who has time for such niceties as logic
when engaged on a risky “Nietzschean quest,” something we find
Foucault pursuing in Mr. Miller’s book every fifty pages or so?
In fact, the comparison between Foucault and Nietzsche is a calumny
upon Nietzsche. Admittedly, Nietzsche has a lot to answer for,
including the popularity of figures like Foucault. But whatever one
thinks of Nietzsche’s philosophy and influence, it is difficult not
to admire his courage and single-minded commitment to the
philosophical life. Wracked by ill-health—migraines, vertigo, severe
digestive complaints—Nietzsche had to quit his teaching position at
the University of Basel when he was in his mid-thirties. From then on
he led an isolated, impoverished, celibate life, subsisting in various
cheap pensioni in Italy and Switzerland. He had but few
friends. His work was almost totally ignored: Beyond Good and Evil,
one of his most important books, sold a total of 114 copies in a year.
Yet he quietly persevered.
And Foucault? After attending the most elite French schools—the
lycée Henri IV, the Ecole Normale Supérieure, the Sorbonne—he held
a series of academic appointments in France, Poland, Germany, Sweden,
and Tunisia. The jobs were low-paying, but the budding philosopher was
aided in his program of resistance by generous subsidies from his
parents. In the 1950s, when he was a lowly instructor at the
University of Uppsala, he acquired what Didier Eribon calls “a
magnificent beige Jaguar” (it is white in Mr. Miller’s book) and
proceeded to drive “like a madman” around town, shocking staid
Uppsalian society. Talk about challenging convention! Eribon reminds
us, too, that Foucault was an accomplished academic politician, adept
at securing preferment for himself and his friends. This is not to say
that he concealed his contempt for narrow, bourgeois scruples,
however. Attempting suicide and hurling stones at the police were
hardly his only efforts to “transgress” accepted academic
protocol. While he was teaching at Clermont-Ferrand in the early
1960s, for example, he gave an assistantship to his lover, Daniel
Defert. In response to a faculty-council query about why he had
appointed Defert rather than another applicant, a woman who was older
and better qualified, he replied: “Because we don’t like old maids
here.” Moreover, Foucault enjoyed the esteem of gullible
intellectuals everywhere. His book Les Mots et les choses (The
Order of Things in English) became a best-seller in 1966,
catapulting him to international fame. The crowning recognition came
in 1970 when, at the unusually young age of forty-four, Foucault was
elected to the Collège de France, the very pinnacle of French
academic culture. Mr. Miller, like most academics who write about
Foucault, praises Foucault’s philosophical daring and willingness to
put himself at risk for his ideas. “For more than a decade,” Mr.
Miller writes about Foucault’s reputation at the time of his death,
“his elegant shaved skull had been an emblem of political
courage—a cynosure of resistance to institutions that would smother
the free spirit and stifle the ‘right to be different.’” Ah yes,
what resistance to bourgeois society!
But Foucault differed from Nietzsche in more than such outward
trappings. The fundamental world outlooks of the two men were
radically different. Basically, Foucault was Nietzsche’s ape. He
adopted some of Nietzsche’s rhetoric about power and imitated some
of his verbal histrionics. But he never achieved anything like
Nietzsche’s insight or originality. Nietzsche may have been
seriously wrong in his understanding of modernity: he may have
mistaken one part of the story—the rise of secularism—for the
whole tale; but few men have struggled as honestly with the problem of
nihilism as he. Foucault simply flirted with nihilism as one more
“experience.” Mr. Miller is right to emphasize the importance of
“experience,” especially extreme or “limit” experience, in
Foucault’s life and work; he is wrong to think that this was a
virtue. Foucault was addicted to extremity. He epitomized to
perfection a certain type of decadent Romantic, a type that Nietzsche
warned against when he spoke of “those who suffer from the impoverishment
of life and seek rest, stillness, calm seas, redemption from
themselves through art and knowledge, or intoxication, convulsions,
anaesthesia, and madness.” Foucault’s insatiable craving for new,
ever more thrilling “experiences” was a sign of weakness, not
daring. Here, too, Nietzsche is a far better guide than Foucault.
“All men now live through too much and think through too little,”
Nietzsche wrote in 1880. “They suffer at the same time from extreme
hunger and from colic, and therefore become thinner and thinner, no
matter how much they eat.—Whoever says now, ‘I have not lived
through anything’— is an ass.”
Mr. Miller is not entirely uncritical. About Madness and
Civilization (English translation, 1971), for example, he
acknowledges that “the author’s own convictions are insinuated
more than argued.” About The Order of Things, he points out
that the writing is “awkward, disjointed, elliptical to a fault.”
But such local criticisms do not go nearly far enough. At the
beginning of his book, Mr. Miller mentions in passing J. G.
Merquior’s incisive critical study, Foucault (1985). Readers
acquainted with that book know that Merquior, who is identified as
“a Brazilian diplomat who studied with Ernest Gellner,” has
politely but definitively exploded almost every significant claim that
Foucault made. Merquior typically begins each chapter with a ritual
nod to Foucault’s brilliance. He then proceeds to show that his
arguments rest on shoddy, if extensive, scholarship, distorted
history, and untenable generalizations. Whatever “new
perspectives” Foucault’s work may have opened up, Merquior
concludes, its “conceptual muddles and explanatory weaknesses …
more than outweigh its real contribution.” The truth is, Foucault
specialized in providing obfuscating answers to pseudo problems. “We
have had sexuality since the eighteenth century, and sex since the
nineteenth,” he writes in The History of Sexuality. “What
we had before that was no doubt flesh.” Yes, and “Sexual
intercourse was invented in 1963,” as Philip Larkin memorably put
it.
Foucault once described his writing as a
“labyrinth.” He was right. The question is, why should we wish to
enter it? It may be the case that, as Mr. Miller insists, Foucault’s
writing expresses “a powerful desire to realize a certain form of
life.” But is it a desirable form of life? Foucault’s
personal perversions involved him in private tragedy. The celebration
of his intellectual perversions by academics continues to be a public
scandal. The career of this “representative man” of the twentieth
century really represents one of the biggest con jobs in recent
intellectual history.
Notes
Go
to the top of the document.
- The Passion of Michel Foucault,
by James Miller (Simon & Schuster, 1993). Go
back to the text.
- Didier Eribon’s biography, Michel
Foucault, was published in France in 1989. An English
translation, by Betsy Wing, appeared from Harvard in 1991. See
Richard Vine’s review in the The New Criterion for
January 1992. Go
back to the text.
- The eclipse of tolerance as a
liberal virtue, by the way—the widespread belief that tolerance
must now be considered a symptom of reaction—is one of the most
insidious by-products of the campaign for political correctness.
Among other things, it sharply narrows the space for open debate
by requiring allegiance to values or ideas one had hitherto had
the luxury of acknowledging without affirmation. Go
back to the text.

From The New Criterion Vol. 11, No. 7, March 1993